By: Abdul-Razak Yakubu
Dr. Kwame Nkrumah is dead. But his vision of a united Africa is more alive in the minds of many Africans, Pan-Africanists, and anti-imperialists who believe and continue to advocate strongly for continental sovereignty and economic freedom. But visions do not mean much if you do not have in place practical solutions that lead to imbedding these visions in the future generations who can carry on the mantle once its originators are blocked or are no more.
African unity remains an important element for Africa’s collective prosperity and security. It also remains an elusive vision for over six decades after the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) on May 25th, 1963. The OAU was later replaced by the African Union (AU) in 2002, but the vision of a united, integrated, and prosperous Africa stays a mirage. Without deliberate recalibration, this vision is unlikely to be attained.
Some significant milestones portray progress in our quest to unite the continent. Firstly, it includes the launch of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) with the introduction of the African passport in 2016 currently being deployed among diplomats, senior government officials, with hopes of wider rollout. Also, the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) and AU governance institutions in 2014 serve as platforms for African countries to discuss policies and strengthen governance. The establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples Rights promotes legal unification, while the Single African Air Transport Market (SAATM) aims at liberalising air travel. As of 2022, SAATM had commitments from 34 countries but remains incomplete, whereas the AU passport is gradually progressing.
Despite progress, setbacks continue to challenge the AU in its quest for total unification. Persistent conflicts and political instability, such as DR Congo’s rebel insurgencies, Sudan’s army battles, and Somalia’s Al-Shabaab terrorism, create displacement, economic setbacks, and border tensions. West and Central Africa have seen a surge in military coups in Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Chad, Niger, and Gabon. The AU and sub-regional bodies lack strong enforcement mechanisms to reverse these coups. Some countries are breaking away from economic and security networks, undermining continental integration.
This undermines the extraordinary efforts of Pan-Africanists like Kwame Nkrumah, Patrice Lumumba, Modibo Keita, Julius Nyerere, and Thomas Sankara. These bold leaders advocated for a continent politically and economically independent but faced strong resistance from within and outside Africa. Western interests, economic dependencies, and internal divisions ensured their dream never materialised. Today, their successors struggle with the same challenges, leaving African unity as an ambition discussed at summits but never fully pursued.
Africa’s challenges stem from the wrong foundation of democracies, modelled on Western governance instead of indigenous systems. This created dependency rather than independence. One fundamental reason why Nkrumah and his contemporaries failed to unite Africa was their inability to mobilise the masses as the true driving force. African unity was promoted at leadership levels, relying on political negotiations and government cooperation, making it vulnerable to sabotage by Western intelligence agencies. Western-backed coups and assassinations ensured that leaders pushing for unity were removed or killed, leaving a vacuum filled by those maintaining the status quo.
In Africa Must Unite (1963), Nkrumah argued that true independence is only possible with political and economic unity, stressing that “the masses of Africa must be politically educated.” However, both past and present African leaders have left out the most crucial group—the people. The AU’s unification agenda appears state-led, with minimal involvement of the people. Policies are largely driven by heads of state, diplomats, and bureaucrats rather than grassroots participation, making unity feel like a government project rather than a people’s movement.
Another major frustration is the AU’s failure to build a Pan-African identity. Colonial borders, nationalistic policies, and language barriers reinforce divisions. Unlike the EU, where no language dominates the union, the AU still struggles with linguistic diversity (English, French, Arabic, Portuguese). Internal divisions further delay unity. Nationalism took precedence over Pan-Africanism as newly independent nations focused on consolidating power within their borders. Many leaders preferred to strengthen control over their countries rather than surrender sovereignty to a larger African government. Economic dependency on former colonial powers further weakened real integration, requiring a complete restructuring of economic policies.
Today’s African leaders, despite rhetoric on unity, are repeating the same mistakes. Integration remains leadership-driven, focused on high-level discussions rather than grassroots mobilisation. The AU has become a bureaucratic entity that produces policies but fails to implement them in ways that benefit citizens. Borders remain rigid, trade barriers persist, and African economies continue to depend on external powers. Without a radical shift, unity will remain an unfulfilled aspiration.
For Africa to truly unite, the people must take ownership. Leadership-led approaches are vulnerable to external manipulation, but a people-driven movement is harder to sabotage. African governments must build citizens’ interest in unity by demonstrating tangible benefits. If ordinary Africans see unity as the key to economic prosperity, free movement, and a better future, the demand for integration will become irresistible. A continental union must resemble the EU, ensuring free trade, unrestricted travel, and a common economic and security framework. A single African currency would eliminate dependency on foreign exchange fluctuations, making trade and investment more predictable. A unified defence system would shield Africa from external aggression, coups, and destabilisation.
Achieving true unity requires massive investment in strategic sectors for self-reliance. Education must be transformed to prioritise science, technology, and innovation. Industrialisation cannot occur without a skilled workforce developing home-grown solutions. Africa’s reliance on foreign-made technology hinders economic independence. Without investments in cutting-edge research and innovation, the continent will remain a consumer rather than a producer.
Food security is another critical area. Africa’s dependence on food imports exposes it to external shocks and economic vulnerabilities. A united Africa must invest in large-scale agriculture, ensuring that no country suffers from food shortages. Mechanised farming and sustainable agricultural practices will eliminate hunger and position Africa as a global leader in food production.
Health security must also be prioritised. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed Africa’s dangerous dependency on foreign pharmaceuticals. A united Africa must invest in medical research, biotechnology, and pharmaceutical production. Countries like South Africa, Nigeria, and Egypt already have strong pharmaceutical foundations, but a coordinated continental effort is needed to scale up research and production.
The advantages of unity are immense. Civil wars and political instability would decline under a common governance framework that promotes democracy and accountability. Corrupt leaders would struggle to manipulate elections if African nations were bound by shared democratic principles. A common market would create jobs, boost industrialisation, and lift millions out of poverty. A stronger collective voice on the global stage would ensure Africa is no longer a pawn in international affairs but a powerful bloc negotiating on equal terms with economic superpowers.
Kwame Nkrumah’s vision of a united Africa was not unrealistic, but its implementation was flawed. Today’s leaders are failing to correct these mistakes by relying on top-down approaches. The future of African unity depends on shifting responsibility from governments to the people. If Africans themselves champion unity, no external force can prevent its realisation. Only then will Africa break free from division, exploitation, and underdevelopment, securing a future of shared prosperity and global influence.
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Why Nkrumah and His Contemporaries Failed to Unite Africa—And How the People Can Lead the Charge for a United Continent
By: Abdul-Razak Yakubu
Dr. Kwame Nkrumah is dead. But his vision of a united Africa is more alive in the minds of many Africans, Pan-Africanists, and anti-imperialists who believe and continue to advocate strongly for continental sovereignty and economic freedom. But visions do not mean much if you do not have in place practical solutions that lead to imbedding these visions in the future generations who can carry on the mantle once its originators are blocked or are no more.
African unity remains an important element for Africa’s collective prosperity and security. It also remains an elusive vision for over six decades after the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) on May 25th, 1963. The OAU was later replaced by the African Union (AU) in 2002, but the vision of a united, integrated, and prosperous Africa stays a mirage. Without deliberate recalibration, this vision is unlikely to be attained.
Some significant milestones portray progress in our quest to unite the continent. Firstly, it includes the launch of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) with the introduction of the African passport in 2016 currently being deployed among diplomats, senior government officials, with hopes of wider rollout. Also, the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) and AU governance institutions in 2014 serve as platforms for African countries to discuss policies and strengthen governance. The establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples Rights promotes legal unification, while the Single African Air Transport Market (SAATM) aims at liberalising air travel. As of 2022, SAATM had commitments from 34 countries but remains incomplete, whereas the AU passport is gradually progressing.
Despite progress, setbacks continue to challenge the AU in its quest for total unification. Persistent conflicts and political instability, such as DR Congo’s rebel insurgencies, Sudan’s army battles, and Somalia’s Al-Shabaab terrorism, create displacement, economic setbacks, and border tensions. West and Central Africa have seen a surge in military coups in Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Chad, Niger, and Gabon. The AU and sub-regional bodies lack strong enforcement mechanisms to reverse these coups. Some countries are breaking away from economic and security networks, undermining continental integration.
This undermines the extraordinary efforts of Pan-Africanists like Kwame Nkrumah, Patrice Lumumba, Modibo Keita, Julius Nyerere, and Thomas Sankara. These bold leaders advocated for a continent politically and economically independent but faced strong resistance from within and outside Africa. Western interests, economic dependencies, and internal divisions ensured their dream never materialised. Today, their successors struggle with the same challenges, leaving African unity as an ambition discussed at summits but never fully pursued.
Africa’s challenges stem from the wrong foundation of democracies, modelled on Western governance instead of indigenous systems. This created dependency rather than independence. One fundamental reason why Nkrumah and his contemporaries failed to unite Africa was their inability to mobilise the masses as the true driving force. African unity was promoted at leadership levels, relying on political negotiations and government cooperation, making it vulnerable to sabotage by Western intelligence agencies. Western-backed coups and assassinations ensured that leaders pushing for unity were removed or killed, leaving a vacuum filled by those maintaining the status quo.
In Africa Must Unite (1963), Nkrumah argued that true independence is only possible with political and economic unity, stressing that “the masses of Africa must be politically educated.” However, both past and present African leaders have left out the most crucial group—the people. The AU’s unification agenda appears state-led, with minimal involvement of the people. Policies are largely driven by heads of state, diplomats, and bureaucrats rather than grassroots participation, making unity feel like a government project rather than a people’s movement.
Another major frustration is the AU’s failure to build a Pan-African identity. Colonial borders, nationalistic policies, and language barriers reinforce divisions. Unlike the EU, where no language dominates the union, the AU still struggles with linguistic diversity (English, French, Arabic, Portuguese). Internal divisions further delay unity. Nationalism took precedence over Pan-Africanism as newly independent nations focused on consolidating power within their borders. Many leaders preferred to strengthen control over their countries rather than surrender sovereignty to a larger African government. Economic dependency on former colonial powers further weakened real integration, requiring a complete restructuring of economic policies.
Today’s African leaders, despite rhetoric on unity, are repeating the same mistakes. Integration remains leadership-driven, focused on high-level discussions rather than grassroots mobilisation. The AU has become a bureaucratic entity that produces policies but fails to implement them in ways that benefit citizens. Borders remain rigid, trade barriers persist, and African economies continue to depend on external powers. Without a radical shift, unity will remain an unfulfilled aspiration.
For Africa to truly unite, the people must take ownership. Leadership-led approaches are vulnerable to external manipulation, but a people-driven movement is harder to sabotage. African governments must build citizens’ interest in unity by demonstrating tangible benefits. If ordinary Africans see unity as the key to economic prosperity, free movement, and a better future, the demand for integration will become irresistible. A continental union must resemble the EU, ensuring free trade, unrestricted travel, and a common economic and security framework. A single African currency would eliminate dependency on foreign exchange fluctuations, making trade and investment more predictable. A unified defence system would shield Africa from external aggression, coups, and destabilisation.
Achieving true unity requires massive investment in strategic sectors for self-reliance. Education must be transformed to prioritise science, technology, and innovation. Industrialisation cannot occur without a skilled workforce developing home-grown solutions. Africa’s reliance on foreign-made technology hinders economic independence. Without investments in cutting-edge research and innovation, the continent will remain a consumer rather than a producer.
Food security is another critical area. Africa’s dependence on food imports exposes it to external shocks and economic vulnerabilities. A united Africa must invest in large-scale agriculture, ensuring that no country suffers from food shortages. Mechanised farming and sustainable agricultural practices will eliminate hunger and position Africa as a global leader in food production.
Health security must also be prioritised. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed Africa’s dangerous dependency on foreign pharmaceuticals. A united Africa must invest in medical research, biotechnology, and pharmaceutical production. Countries like South Africa, Nigeria, and Egypt already have strong pharmaceutical foundations, but a coordinated continental effort is needed to scale up research and production.
The advantages of unity are immense. Civil wars and political instability would decline under a common governance framework that promotes democracy and accountability. Corrupt leaders would struggle to manipulate elections if African nations were bound by shared democratic principles. A common market would create jobs, boost industrialisation, and lift millions out of poverty. A stronger collective voice on the global stage would ensure Africa is no longer a pawn in international affairs but a powerful bloc negotiating on equal terms with economic superpowers.
Kwame Nkrumah’s vision of a united Africa was not unrealistic, but its implementation was flawed. Today’s leaders are failing to correct these mistakes by relying on top-down approaches. The future of African unity depends on shifting responsibility from governments to the people. If Africans themselves champion unity, no external force can prevent its realisation. Only then will Africa break free from division, exploitation, and underdevelopment, securing a future of shared prosperity and global influence.
More stories here
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